Friday, March 24, 2006

I have chosen to tell the truth about virtue

I was walking through Pembroke Arch on Bryn Mawr's campus the other day and by the time I'd crossed Merion Ave. something odd occurred to me.

Just above the arch on the left side as you're exiting there's an inscription that reads VIRTVTEM DILEXI, "I have loved virtue."

I thought I must have misread it because the college's motto is VERITATEM DILEXI (supposed to mean 'I have chosen truth'). This page at Bryn Mawr actually claims that the motto is inscribed on Pem Arch.

Later in the day I passed through and took another look. Sure enough it says VIRTVTEM.

As far back as 1908 M. Carey Thomas, the famed president of Bryn Mawr College, had instructed that the motto be placed upon the library's book plates. She quoted the motto in its conventional form, "VERITATEM DILEXI."

It has made its way onto the official seal (seen here), but is it correct? Is it possible that inscription was misread a century ago and that the misreading stuck?

As proof I've taken photos of the inscription:



You'll probably want to have a closer look:



I suspect the phrase to be adapted from a sentiment in Cicero (whose periodic style does not lend itself to epigrams and that we should expect to be condensed):

Nihil est enim virtute amabilius, nihil quod magis adliciat ad diligendum, quippe cum propter virtutem et probitatem etiam eos, quos numquam vidimus, quodam modo diligamus.

(De amicitia 28)

That's just a guess of course.

I've found several references to 'VERITATEM DILEXI' as the epitaph chosen by the 19th century scholar Ernest Renan (1823-1892) (cf. Discours & Conférences, 39). It was the title of a poem written in his honor the year after his death by Mary Darmesteter. Darmesteter (alias Madame James Darmesteter, alias A. Mary F. Robinson, alias Mary Duclaux, alias Madame Duclaus) wrote a biography of Renan in 1895. Perhaps interest in Renan and his ideas (chiefly his philosophical ideas on what constitutes a nation) kept his chosen epitaph at the fore of people's minds and caused them to confuse it with the similar-sounding though quite different VIRTVTEM DILEXI.

Is it time to resort to the epigraphic evidence and to emend the text of the motto? This seems to me like a clear case of corruption, though I'm not sure many will be happy to let 'virtue' replace the accepted 'truth.'

Thursday, March 23, 2006

Causal Clauses

What say we do a quick review of Latin causal clauses? The following notes are taken from Allen & Greenough sec. 321, examples (mostly) omitted.

NOTE.--Causal clauses take either the Indicative or the Subjunctive, according to their construction; the idea of Cause being contained, not in the mood itself, but in the form of the argument, or in the connecting particles.

321. The Causal Particles quod, quia, and quoniam take the Indicative, when the reason is given on the authority of the writer or speaker; the Subjunctive, when the reason is given on the authority of another.

NOTE 2.--[W]hat the speaker himself thought under other circumstances may have the Subjunctive....So with quod even a verb of saying may be in the Subjunctive: as,--

rediit quod se oblitum nescio quid diceret (Off. i. 13), he returned because he said he had forgotten something.

NOTE 3.--The Subjunctive with quia is rare. The causal particle quando takes the Indicative.

REMARK.--Non quod, non quia, non quoniam, introducing a reason expressly to deny it, take the Subjunctive. Non quo and non quin introduce a Result clause, but with nearly the same meaning.

a. Causal Clauses introduced by quod, etc., take the Subjunctive in Indirect Discourse, like any other dependent clause.

b. A Relative, when used to express cause, regularly takes the Subjunctive.

c. Cum causal takes the Subjunctive.

NOTE.--In early Latin cum causal takes the Indicative.

Wednesday, March 22, 2006

Concessive Clauses

Ok, time for a quick review of Latin concessive clauses. The following is taken from section 313 of Allen and Greenough with the examples omitted.

The particles of Concession (meaning although, granting that) are the following: quamquam, quamlibet, quamvis, quantum vis, ut, net, cum, licet, etsi, tametsi, etiamsi.

Some of these take the Subjunctive, others the Indicative. Thus,--

a. Quamvis, ut, and ne take the Subjunctive.
NOTE.--Quamvis means literally, as much as you will....The subjunctive with quamvis and ne is hortatory; that with ut is of uncertain origin.

b. Licet (properly a verb) takes a Substantive clause in the Subjunctive.
NOTW.--The subjunctive with licet is by the sequence of tenses necessarily limited to the Present and Perfect tenses.

c. Etsi, etiamsi, tametsi, even if, take the same constructions as si.

d. Cum concessive takes the Subjunctive.
NOTE.--In early Latin cum (quom) concessive usually takes the Indicative.

e. Quamquam introduces an admitted fact and takes the Indicative.

f. Quamquam more commonly means and yet, introducing a new proposition in the indicative.

g. The poets and later writers frequently use quamvis and quamquam like etsi, connecting them with the Indicative or the Subjunctive, according to the nature of the condition.
NOTE.--Even Cicero occasionally uses quamquam with the Subjunctive.

h. The Relative pronoun qui is often used with the Subjunctive to express concession.

i. Concession is often expressed by the Hortatory Subjunctive without a particle.

Christian Tomb Discovered Underneath Mussonlini's Secret Bunkers

Mussolini lived at Villa Torlonia in 1925-1943 with his wife and children, delighting in tennis games and horseback rides on the grounds that surround the house, built by one of Rome's aristocratic families.

"When the winds of war started blowing, he ordered the construction of the bunker," said Eugenio La Rocca, superintendent for Rome's monuments.

Two underground structures, built in great secrecy, cover more than 2,000 square feet and include an anti-gas chamber with air ducts and showers for decontamination, all protected by a double set of airtight doors.

Mussolini dug the bunker 23 feet deep, burying a 10-foot thick concrete box with bare cylindrical corridors and multiple escape routes.

While restoring the chamber, archeologists discovered it was built over a second-century Christian tomb, where they found three bodies. The area was a common burial ground in Roman times, housing mainly the sprawling underground corridors of one of six Jewish catacombs in the city.

Tuesday, March 21, 2006

The relative value of ancient coinage

Here's one of the things I did last night instead of working on my thesis: I took the values in 1891 British Pounds assigned by James Gow (Companion to School Classics, 3rd ed.) to Athenian and Roman coinage and converted the value to 2005 U.S. dollars.

Rome, 49 BC (when Caesar introduced the Aureus):

Aureus (gold) (= 100 sesterces) = $127.53
Denarius (silver) (= 4 sesterces) = $5.10
Sestertius (brass) (= 2 dupondii)= $1.28
As (copper) (= ¼ sesterce) = $0.32


Attic money (age undefined):

1 talent = $30,067.15
1 mina = $500.63
1 drachma = $4.79
1 obol = $0.79

The copper chalchous, 1/8 an obol, would be worth about a dime.

I have no idea how accurate this is, but it does account for inflation from the 1891 values. Gow apparently based his calculations upon the quantity of silver used in certain coins and then the relative value of these coins to others.

If it's accurate, it puts things into perspective, for example when Gow says that an artisan in the age of Pericles earned 1 drachma a day (= $4.79 US), and that a juryman made 2 obols (= $1.58).

Of course it's impossible to say what the values were in different times and places, but a ballpark is better than a desert.

Monday, March 20, 2006

Aquinum

My wife and I recently had some friends in town, one of whose maiden name is Aquino. Her predecessors, after coming to the U.S., are thought to have taken this surname from the name of their hometown in Italy (reminiscent of the naming of the Corleone family in Godfather). So while they were here, we decided to take a daytrip to find the old family stomping grounds, which are located south of Rome about halfway to Naples, sitting on a level plain near the mountains, within view of Monte Cassino. No train stops in somewhat small village of Aquino; rather, Aquino shares a station with a couple of other small towns nearby. We were told at the station that there are no buses and no taxis that go from the station to Aquino, so we walked a few kilometers to get to the actual town. There were a couple of interesting things I thought might be worth noting. First, Aquino is the birthplace of Thomas Aquinas. Here is the house he is said to have been born in:

Second, medieval and modern-day Aquino are built hard by the ancient Roman colony of Aquinum, thought by some to be the birthplace of Juvenal. The town in located on the Via Latina:

Here is the town gate and a modern sign placed there to label it:


The identification of Aquinum with Juvenal's birthplace is not, however, undisputed. The 1949 edition of the Oxford Classical Dictionary affirms that Juvenal was born there, citing Satire 3.319 as evidence. Here is the passage in context (the text is from The Latin Library):

'...his alias poteram et pluris subnectere causas, 315
sed iumenta uocant et sol inclinat. eundum est;
nam mihi commota iamdudum mulio uirga
adnuit. ergo uale nostri memor, et quotiens te
Roma tuo refici properantem reddet Aquino,
me quoque ad Heluinam Cererem uestramque Dianam 320
conuerte a Cumis. saturarum ego, ni pudet illas,
auditor gelidos ueniam caligatus in agros.'

It may be problematic, though, to take the line in the poem strictly biographically. Susanna Morton Braund, in Satires: Book I (Cambridge 1996), has the following comment on line 319:
'adj. tuo may mean 'your favourite' (cf. OLD 2b, cr. Suet. Galb. I Liviae...Veientanum suum revisenti) or 'your native' (perhaps supported by reddet: OLD 2). It is usually taken to indicate J.'s birthplace; however, this involves identifying Umbricius' interlocutor with the poet Juvenal: see Introduction sec. 2. Aquinum was a town in Latium on the via Latina c. 75 miles from Rome. This lover of Rome, who does not leave with Umbricius, may have a country seat in Aquinum.'

Turning to section 2 of the introduction, this is what we find:
'The second fundamental idea is one which rescues us from trying to read the satires as self-revelation. Roman verse satire uses the autobiographical monologue as the chief mode of presentation. This does not mean that the satirists are (necessarily) using their satires to convey their personal feelings to the world. Far from it. Authors in all genres of Roman literature, including Roman verse satire, were accustomed to creating characters....[I]n the personal genres of poetry--love elegy, lyric poetry, epigram and satire--the character (or persona, 'mask') is frequently presented as a first-person voice.

'Authors and their audiences were accustomed to this convention thanks to their experience of the education in rhetoric enjoyed by members of the Roman elite....The analogy between rhetoric and poetry is reinforced by the fact that most Greek and Latin literature, including poetry, was written for oral delivery by the author or another voice to a live audience. In the light of this, the identification of the views of the characters in satire with those of the authors becomes unnecessary and crude. To read the poems as autobiographical self-revelations from which 'facts' about the poet's life may be deduced (the 'biographical fallacy' propounded by, notably, Highet (1954)) is to neglect other, more rewarding, questions.' (pp. 2-3)

In addition to the line in the poem, an inscription from Aquinum is often used to justify the belief that Juvenal hailed from there. In the introduction to C.H. Pearson's and Herbert A. Strong's introduction to Thirteen Satires of Juvenal (2nd ed., Oxford 1892) we read the following:
'Decimus Junius Juvenalis is said in a life of uncertain authenticity to have born at Aquinum. This statement is to some extent corroborated by a line in the third Satire, where the speaker suggests that his friend, who is presumably Juvenal, may some day or other be visiting his own Aquinum. It is made more probable still by the fact that a tablet has been dug up at Aquinum, in which D. Junius Juvenalis, of the cohort of the Dalmatians, duumvir quinquennalis, and flamen to the deified Vespasian, dedicates a shrine to Ceres. Helvina Ceres is alluded to in the third Satire as a deity reverenced at Aquinum. Further, there is no reason for referring to Juvenal to any other place but Aquinum, though a single scholiast says that some persons took him to have been a Gaul on account of his great size.' (p. 9)

More attestation comes from biographies, but these are often taken to be unreliable. Pearson writes:
'The biographies prefixed to his Satires in the MSS. are as numerous as they are satisfactory. Of these there are nine, seven of which are printed by Otto Jahn in his edition of 1851....Juvenal is said by all his biographers to have been the son or the adopted son of a wealthy freedman. His mother was named Septimuleia and was a townswoman of Aquinum. He had a sister, also Septimuleia, who married Fuscinus. He seems to have been brought up at a good school. His chief instructor, when he began to study rhetoric, was Protus of Berytus, a teacher who was noted for his provincial and antiquarian tastes, and whose practice it was to restrict the number of his pupils to three or four, and to converse with these in the Socratic fashion, rarely lecturing to them....The inscription at Aquinum shows that he served the most important magistracy in his native town, and held the honourable position of titular chaplain, so to speak, to Vespasian.' (pp. 9-11)

Braund, however, calls both the biographies and the inscription into question:
'Virtually nothing is known of the life and circumstances of Juvenal. It is not even certain that the name we give him, Decimus Iunius Iuuenalis, is correct. The ancient biographies seem worthless and even the best of these, attributed by Valla in his 1486 edition to 'Probus', offers the same kind of reconstruction from details in the Satires as presented by some recent scholars, a method which fails to take account of the generic convention of using first-person presentation....Nor is the inscription from Aquinum which was believe to depict Juvenal as commander of a Dalmation cohort reliable evidence, leaving aside the fact that it disappeared long ago; moreover, the date it suggested is earlier than other indicators. As Syme says, there is a 'scarcity of facts' in this field, although that has not prevented its being 'infested with credulity and romance'. His own assesment of the little evidence afforded by Juvenal's name and the poems leads him to suggest, tentatively, an African origin.' (pp. 15-16)

Sunday, March 19, 2006

Some Classical References in Deus Caritas Est

In reading through Pope Benedict XVI's recent encyclical Deus Caritas Est, I came across the following references to classical writers. All citations are from the English translation published by Libreria Editrice Vaticana (February 2006).

'The Greeks--not unlike other cultures--considered eros principally as a kind of intoxication, the overpowering or reason by "divine madness" which tears man away from his finite existence and enables him, in the very process of being overwhelmed by divine power, to experience supreme happiness. All other powers in heaven and on earth thus appear secondary: "Omnia vincit amor" says Virgil in the Bucolics--love conquers all--and he adds: et nos cedamus amori"--let us, too, yield to love.' (p. 12) [I found it interesting that he turned to a Latin example while discussing Greek ideas of eros.]

'Consequently, [God's] creation is dear to him, for it was willed by him and "made" by him. The second important element now emerges: this God loves man. The divine power that Aristotle at the height of Greek philosophy sought to grasp through reflection, is indeed for every being an object of desire and love--and as the object of love this divinity moves the world [the footnote reference is to Metaphysics XII.7]--but in itself it lacks nothing and does not love: it is solely the object of love. The one God in which Israel believes, on the other hand, loves with a personal love. His love, moreover, is an elective love: among all the nations he chooses Israel and loves her--but he does so precisely with a view to healing the whole human race. God loves, and his love may certainly be called eros, yet it is also totally agape.' (pp. 23-4)

'So [speaking of the creation of Adam and Eve] God forms woman from the rib of man. Now Adam finds the helper that he needed: "This at last is bone of my bones and flesh of my flesh" (Gen. 2:23). Here one might detect hints of ideas that are also found, for example, in the myth mentioned by Plato, according to which man was originally spherical, because he was complete in himself and self-sufficient. But as a punishment for pride, he was split into two by Zeus, so that now he longs for his other half, striving with all his being to possess it and thus regain his integrity [the footnote reference is to Symposium XIV-XV.189c-192d]. While the biblical narrative does not speak of punishment, the idea is certainly present that man is somehow incomplete, driven by nature to seek in another the part that can make him whole, the idea that only in communion with the opposite sex can he become "complete". The biblical account thus concludes with a prophecy about Adam: "Therefore a man leaves his father and his mother and cleaves to his wife and they become one flesh" (Gen. 2:24).' (p. 28)

'Acknowledgment of the living God is one path towards love, and the "yes" of our will to his will unites our intellect, will and sentiments in the all-embracing act of love. But this process is always open-ended; love is never "finished" and complete; throughout life, it changes and matures, and thus remains faithful to itself. Idem velle atque idem nolle [the footnote reference is to Sallust, De coniuratione Catilinae XX.4]--to want the same thing, and to reject the same thing--was recognized by antiquity as the authentic content of love: the one becomes similar to the other, and this leads to a community of will and thought.' (pp. 38-9)